Even though Russia and Ukraine were engaged in cease-fire talks with American representatives in Saudi Arabia, apparently with some progress on Tuesday, President Vladimir Putin of Russia has shown little actual commitment to ending his war.
President Trump needs some better cards.
Several weeks ago, the president floated the idea of sanctions and tariffs over Russian imports. But the Kremlin has been dismissive — mainly because the United States imports very little from Russia. Extensive financial and trade sanctions have been in place, most of them for around three years, and they are plainly not enough to bring peace.
Fortunately, there is a simple way to improve the American hand. The administration should impose sanctions on any company or individual — in any country — involved in a Russian oil and gas sale. Russia could avoid these so-called secondary sanctions by paying a per shipment fee to the United States Treasury. The payment would be called a Russian Universal Tariff, and it would start low but increase every week that passes without a peace deal.
Ships carry most Russian oil and gas to world markets. The secondary sanctions — if Russia does not make the required payments — would fall on all parties to the transaction, including the oil tanker owner, the insurer and the purchaser. Recent evidence confirms that Indian and Chinese entities — whose nations import considerable oil from Russia, and have not imposed their own penalties on the Russian economy over the war in Ukraine — do not want to be caught up in American sanctions, making this idea workable. Another factor in its favor: All such tanker traffic is tracked carefully by commercial parties and by U.S. authorities.
Secondary sanctions are powerful tools: violators can be cut off from the U.S. financial system, and they apply even to transactions that don’t directly involve American companies. They have been used to limit Iranian oil exports and to require that payments for Iranian oil be held in restricted accounts until sanctions were lifted. Our proposal takes this approach to another level. Under our plan, a portion of each Russian oil and gas sale would be paid to the U.S. Treasury until Russia agrees to a peace deal. The goal is to keep Russian oil flowing to global markets, but with less money going to the Kremlin. The plan saps Russia’s ability to continue waging war, and it puts money into U.S. government coffers.
In Russia, fossil fuel revenues and military spending are intertwined, although the country can also draw on its sovereign wealth fund and other sources. Fossil fuel exports provide the main source of dollar revenue for the Kremlin, which depends on hard currency to buy arms and other military supplies from abroad and pay for North Korean soldiers. The country currently exports about $500 million worth of crude oil and petroleum products and $100 million worth of natural gas every day. The Kremlin budgeted a slightly lower amount, almost $400 million per day for military spending in 2025.
The Russia Universal Tariff would provide money for the United States immediately, unlike the proposed Ukrainian critical minerals fund, which will take years to generate any returns. A fee of $20 per barrel of oil could generate up to $120 million per day (more than $40 billion per year), with additional revenue available if a similar fee is imposed on natural gas. Every dollar the United States collects is a dollar that Russia can’t spend to fund its war.
Ideally, the policy would pressure Russia into negotiations, where its removal could be part of a deal. If not, the United States would still collect billions annually, which could help fund President Trump’s proposed tax cuts. In that scenario, Russia would effectively be helping repay the U.S. tax dollars used to provide aid to Ukraine to defend itself against Russia’s assault.
For the past three years, Western sanctions and public outcry, including some dockworkers’ refusal to unload Russian oil tankers, have forced Russia to search for new buyers and sell its oil at a discount compared with global prices. The oil discount averaged about $9 per barrel over the previous 12 months and was as high as $35 per barrel in April 2022. Despite receiving lower prices for its oil, Russia has maintained export volumes, ensuring a steady supply in the global oil market.
By imposing secondary sanctions unless the Russian Universal Tariff is paid, the United States would be taking a cut of the revenues, effectively increasing the discount on Russian oil. Russia’s continued exports, despite facing large discounts over the past three years, suggest it would continue exporting the same volume. That would keep global oil supply stable and help keep oil prices in check. Russia’s oil and gas are inexpensive to produce, and it relies heavily on the income they generate, so it has little option but to keep selling, even at lower prices.
While Mr. Trump can adopt this strategy, Congress can strengthen his negotiating position by passing a bill that puts the Russian Universal Tariff in place on its own. That would allow the president to protect his lines of communication with Mr. Putin by blaming the measure on Congress. He would also determine if and when he wants to sign the bill, giving him additional leverage over Russia. It’s possible the mere discussion of such a bill could help push the Kremlin toward a peace deal.
Combining secondary sanctions, a strong tool in the U.S. economic kit, with a tariff-like fee could pressure Mr. Putin by threatening his most valuable source of revenues. It would also make it easier for President Trump to deliver on his promise of a lasting peace.
Glenn Hubbard, a former chair of the Council of Economic Advisers, is the Russell L. Carson professor of finance and economics at Columbia University. Catherine Wolfram, a former deputy assistant secretary for climate and energy in the Treasury Department, is the William Barton Rogers professor of energy economics at M.I.T.’s Sloan School of Management.
The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some tips. And here’s our email: letters@nytimes.com.
Follow the New York Times Opinion section on Facebook, Instagram, TikTok, Bluesky, WhatsApp and Threads.
